{"id":8386,"date":"2024-11-23T01:31:00","date_gmt":"2024-11-23T06:31:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.midnightsunmag.ca\/?p=8386"},"modified":"2024-11-23T10:33:26","modified_gmt":"2024-11-23T15:33:26","slug":"the-revolutionary-task-as-a-task-of-translation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.midnightsunmag.ca\/the-revolutionary-task-as-a-task-of-translation\/","title":{"rendered":"The Revolutionary Task as a Task of Translation"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"8386\" class=\"elementor elementor-8386\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-21e71140 elementor-section-height-min-height elementor-section-content-top elementor-section-stretched elementor-section-items-bottom elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"21e71140\" data-element_type=\"section\" data-settings=\"{"stretch_section":"section-stretched","background_background":"classic"}\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-213fb03e\" data-id=\"213fb03e\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-41efdebc elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-phone animated-slow elementor-view-default elementor-invisible elementor-widget elementor-widget-icon\" data-id=\"41efdebc\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-settings=\"{"_animation":"fadeInDown"}\" data-widget_type=\"icon.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon\">\n\t\t\t<i aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"fas fa-angle-double-down\"><\/i>\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-4eff5296 elementor-section-full_width elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"4eff5296\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-no\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-2972369f\" data-id=\"2972369f\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-270c8f7f elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"270c8f7f\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\"><a href=\"https:\/\/unsplash.com\/photos\/brown-tree-trunk-on-brown-soil-B645igbiKCw\" target=\"_blank\">Photo: Emma Henderson\/Unsplash<\/a><\/h2>\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-79503c5d elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"79503c5d\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-3fac01b3\" data-id=\"3fac01b3\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-6365f8d2 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"6365f8d2\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<h3 style=\"text-align: right;\">11. 23. 2024<\/h3><h1 style=\"text-align: left;\">The Revolutionary Task as a Task of Translation<\/h1><h3 style=\"text-align: right;\"><b><br \/><\/b><strong><span style=\"color: #000000;\">The Peoples Want<\/span><\/strong><\/h3>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-3146665b elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"3146665b\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Midnight Sun<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> is excited to publish an excerpt from the founding text of The Peoples Want \u2013 a new network dedicated to revolutionary internationalism from below \u2013 preceded by a brief conversation with a comrade building that project.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The full text of the Peoples Want manifesto, along with more information about the network, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/thepeopleswant.org\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can be found here<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-1517c351 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"1517c351\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<h2><em>Midnight Sun<\/em>:<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We\u2019re glad to see the emergence of The Peoples Want, whose website describes the project as aiming both “to revive an internationalist revolutionary perspective for the years ahead” and to “meet and organise across borders.” I’m curious about the relationship or balance between those two dimensions of the project. To what extent does The Peoples Want prioritize building a cultural front \u2013 creating energy and activity around internationalism from below \u2013 and to what extent might it prioritize becoming a sort of federated political organization in itself, affiliating different left groups across borders and helping them work together in concrete ways towards common aims?<br \/><\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>The Peoples Want:<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Peoples Want aims to spread an internationalist revolutionary culture, and the manifesto itself was an attempt to put forward our learning from the past two decades of struggle and set out a vision for an internationalism from below. Over the past few years, we have held five internationalist gatherings which thousands of people have attended. Our last gathering in Marseille in October 2024 brought together revolutionaries from over 40 countries to share their experience of the struggles in their territories and collectively strategize for joint activities through the network in the coming period. We also held a two-day public festival to share our ideas and experiences with a broader audience. We aim to use a variety of different forums and media to give voice to members of the network and build a revolutionary internationalism for the 21st century. We are living through a very dark period, one in which counter-revolution is crushing our struggles and aspirations and where we see the far right and authoritarian regimes increasing in power across the globe, not to mention imperialism, increasing conflict and the climate crisis. Building connections now is more important than ever if we want to build a better future for our children.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We are currently trying to build a more concrete network amongst groups that broadly share the vision set out in the manifesto, that will enable us to learn from each other, build connections and support each other in struggle at times of crisis and uprising. We are establishing a network of places (called Mujawara) which will provide places to enable us to meet across borders, get to know and learn from each other and carry out joint actions \u2013 we are currently planning an action through the Mujawara network to support comrades in Lebanon who are under Israeli assault. We are also working to establish an international fund to support mutual aid initiatives.<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2><em>Midnight Sun:<\/em><\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Why a new internationalism-from-below network in this particular moment? What role does The Peoples Want seek to play that’s distinct from existing left internationalist formations, and to what kinds of other left tendencies (for example, more “from-above” tendencies) does it aim to provide an alternative?<br \/><\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>The Peoples Want:<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Peoples Want was started by individuals and collectives that were dissatisfied with the failure of sections of the left to stand in solidarity with those in struggle, for example in Syria or Ukraine. This was largely due to the dominant \u201ccampist\u201d vision for internationalism which has led parts of the left to discredit struggles which didn\u2019t fit their ideological narrative or even implicitly or explicitly support authoritarian regimes or non-western imperialisms. We wanted to set out an alternative \u2013 for an internationalism from below, that focuses on movements and people, not states and try to revive meaningful solidarity both political and material. We have lived through two remarkable revolutionary decades which have seen emancipatory uprisings throughout the globe. The left as a whole is not doing enough to learn from these experiences and find ways to join forces to be stronger in the future.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-1093986 elementor-view-default elementor-widget elementor-widget-icon\" data-id=\"1093986\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"icon.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon\">\n\t\t\t<i aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"fas fa-sun\"><\/i>\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-5b4c32c7 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"5b4c32c7\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<h2><strong>The Peoples Want Manifesto (excerpt)<\/strong><\/h2><h2>recognising ourselves<b><br \/><\/b><\/h2><p><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>\u201cNos cost\u00f3 tanto encontrarnos, no nos soltemos\u201d<\/span><\/i><\/p><p><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It was so hard to find each other, let\u2019s never again be apart<\/span><\/i><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>The memories of our era are filled with images of its ongoing collapse; forests in flames, seas turned into graveyards, epidemics, famines and murderous invasions\u2026 <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But we could choose to remember something else. We could remember the power of the uprisings that shook the countryside and cities of the world, sparing no continent, no geography. Time and again, in the midst of this suffocating atmosphere of the end of civilization, people had risen against fatalism. Governments, regimes and a few heads fell. People returned to knock on history\u2019s door.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hundreds of police stations set on fire by protesters in Iran. A thousand public buildings attacked by rebels from working-class neighbourhoods in France. Giant barricades on Ma\u00efdan in Kyiv, banks stormed by insurgents in Lebanon. Everywhere, violent insurrection offered a response to the violence of humiliation.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Those who lived through the ransacking of triumphal arches, the invasion of presidential swimming pools, or participated in furious dances echoing across borders, remember the rage. The rage, but also beauty liberated in defiance of sadness. We remember the warmth of a library built under siege, late-night conversations in improvised street kitchens, splendid walls adorned with slogans, words of wit and messages of love, those tens of thousands of voices singing in unison that nothing would ever be the same again.<\/span><\/p><p>Let them repaint the walls and re-make their statues. They can send us into exile. They can lock us up and slaughter our people. A flame burns deep in our hearts through the hardest, coldest, most sinister moments.<\/p><p>In revolt, we have regained our dignity. From continent to continent, from our exile, in our travels and in our struggles, we have found each other. In the clash of street battles, gestures seen and then replicated in different countries, words echoed across languages, we have recognised each other. We understood that we belong to a single transnational struggle and that we stand against an internationally organised elite. We know that if we remain isolated, we will achieve nothing.<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The bitterness of our defeats, and our refusal to accept them as final, has engendered the desire to get to know each other. We have begun to weave a network of planetary connections, from front lines to popular assemblies, from feminist strikes to resistance committees, from occupied traffic circles to occupied forests, and have discovered a common sensibility.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If the avant-gardes claimed to be marching one step ahead of the masses, we know that we are marching one step behind the popular uprisings of recent years. We have grown in their wake; they were our best school. Now we want to weave the fabric of a generational experience. By generation, we mean that which connects all those, regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, religion or language, who have recognised the emergence of a new revolutionary cycle and felt a tremor in the depths of their hearts and bodies.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">None of the ideologies, none of the political roadmaps we have inherited is capable of grasping the tumult of our times. We have not sought to create new ones. But we do have a notion of the method that will enable us to find paths together: it\u2019s called internationalism.<\/span><\/p><p><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The revolutionary task has in part become a task of translation.<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Sharing and translating our different perceptions of reality, and circulating them, are the first steps in this method. This text is designed to highlight salient points of our first cross-analyses. It attempts to organise them in a way that may be useful to anyone wishing to take an active part in what happens next.<\/span><\/p><p>Palestine (2000, 2005, 2020), Argentina (2001), Kabylia (2001), Georgia (2003, 2024), Lebanon (2005, 2019), France (2005, 2018, 2023), Iceland (2008), Iran (2009, 2017, 2019, 2022), Kyrgyzstan (2010), Thailand (2013, 2020), Brazil (2013) South Korea (2016), UK (2011), USA (2011, 2014, 2015, 2020), Syria (2011), Morocco (2011), Libya (2011), Tunisia (2011), Spain (2011), Greece (2008, 2011), Egypt (2011), Sri Lanka (2022), Yemen (2011), Bahrain (2011), Quebec (2012), Turkey (2013), Ukraine (2004, 2014), Burkina Faso (2014), Bakur-Kurdistan (2015), Nicaragua (2018), Iraq (2019), Catalonia (2019), Ecuador (2019), Belarus (2006, 2021), Kyrgyzstan (2005, 2010, 2020), Turkey (2013), Chile (2019), India (2019), Hong Kong (2014, 2018), Haiti (2019), Algeria (2019), Sudan (2013; 2018; 2019), Colombia (2021), Burma (2021), Kazakhstan (2022), Peru (2009, 2022), Senegal (2022-2023), Bangladesh (2024)\u2026\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is not just an incomplete and unfinished list of the revolts of our time. Behind every place, behind every date, lie hundreds of thousands of faces, dreams and lives. The following lines are a tribute to the insurgents who took part in these events; a tribute to those we have found, those we have yet to meet and those we will never see again. To those who fell because they loved life. It is for our own sakes, but also for theirs, that we have decided to take to the road again; inspired by their presence and their energy. These words are dedicated to them.<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>birth of our power<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A 15th Century Arab thinker, watching his civilization crumble from bathing in superfluous luxury, worriedly predicted: the margins will put an end to Empire. What better image of this threat from the margins than Delhi in 2020, encircled by millions of peasants who had been long ignored. Peasants who, after the biggest strike in human history \u2013 a strike of 250 million people – set up peasant councils, the Mahapanchayat, all over the country saying <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Mahapanchayat are the new parliaments of the people, and the untouchables will be at their centre.<br \/><br \/><\/span><\/i><\/p><p style=\"text-align: right;\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the margins attack the centre<\/span><\/i><i><\/i><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>As the uprisings of our time have shown, there is no global revolutionary subject. Black people in the United States, women and sexual and gender dissidents in Latin America, Baluchis or Kurds in Iran, indigenous peoples in Ecuador or Peru, youth from the working-class districts of Santiago and Tripoli. The revolt was led, above all, by those on the margins. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>To be on the margins is to be part of the whole, but outside it. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The margins include those who are carefully kept on the sidelines, not too far away to keep the machine running, but not too close to disturb; both outside and at the service of the centres. The centres are where power lies; state or capital city, multinational corporation, colonial settlers, bosses, patriarchs.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A revolt is limited when those who trigger it fail to rally other types of anger. Facing the centres, the great architects of our separation, the challenge of our uprisings was to ensure our encounter. Encounters between different segments of the margins, but also encounters between those on the margins and dissidents from the centres; those who defy the powers from which they benefit, such as the inhabitants of colonial metropolises who support liberation struggles in the colonies.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Where a segment of the margins, such as peasants in India, indigenous people in Ecuador, high school students in Chile or black people in the United States, was joined by a large part of the population, uprisings have managed to achieve victories. Although these were often partial and provisional: the withdrawal of reforms in India and Ecuador, the opening of the constituent process in Chile, and the pseudo-overhaul of several local police forces in the United States.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In an uprising, encounters between fighters from the margins and dissidents from the centres gives rise to breaches that contain trenchant possibilities, where ambiguities and contradictions coexist. In the United States, the uprising triggered by the assassination of George Floyd was joined by white demonstrators in large numbers. After the first days of insurrection, these demonstrators tried to form a security cordon between the police and black insurgents in order to \u2018protect\u2019 them. Without even realising, they were helping to neutralise the anger and redrew racial boundaries that the insurrectionary movement had momentarily made less rigid. Nothing is a given in the encounter between dissidents from the centres and fighters from the margins \u2013 or between different sections of the margins themselves \u2013 but the moments of uprising were unique opportunities to shift the boundaries beyond compartmentalized milieus.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Where such encounters did not take place, the revolts multiplied in successive waves, but at a certain stage dispersed, fragmented or were repressed. This was the case in Iran, where it was mainly the declassed middle classes who revolted in 2009, and working-class men in 2017 and 2019. It wasn\u2019t until 2022 that the regime faltered, when all components of society rose up behind women. In France, white dissidents of the centres didn\u2019t join the youth of working-class neighbourhoods in 2005 or 2023 and the middle classes or unionized workers took little part in the Yellow Vest uprising of 2018. Without these encounters, regimes hold, governments buy time.<br \/><br \/><\/span><\/p><p style=\"text-align: right;\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">from the margins to the people<\/span><\/i><i><\/i><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>In the heart of Paris, during the insurrectionary evening of 1st December 2018, after breaking down the doors of the former Paris stock exchange a black teenager, standing alongside a white protester in a yellow vest and an activist of Moroccan origin, enthusiastically blurts out, \u201cIt\u2019s us the people \u2026 Wallah (I swear on Allah), it\u2019s us the people!\u201d<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The revolt dismantles the separations produced by the centres; reconstituting the people. In Sudan, it was through meeting in the revolutionary processions of 2019 and at the sit-in in al-Qiyada Square that people from all parts of the country found themselves sharing their experience of the injustices that affected them all, although in different ways. It was in revolt that they first encountered each other, chanting together: \u201cUnity is the people\u2019s choice!\u201d<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The uprising shatters the people which was constructed and rigidified by national novels, fascist ideologies and dogmatic activists. Through their calls for unity, the margins of the uprising have often reinvented the people, in line with their own realities. That explains why, in France, a predominantly white movement like the Yellow Vests was so strong among colonised populations in Guadeloupe or Reunion; why a black woman, the son of a Portuguese immigrant and a young Romani could be found among the movement\u2019s main leaders; why a small business owner and a working-class woman could hold a barricade together. In Sri Lanka, the 2022 uprising brought together, not without friction, Buddhist monks, queer people, Sinhalese and Tamils, revealing the people for what they are: plural and in the making.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Weaving together the different fragments of the margins is done through speech as well as gestures. Syrian Arab revolutionaries understood this well when they used the Kurdish word \u201cazadi\u201d (freedom) as a call to Kurds; the Turkmen of Iran when they sang \u201cKurdistan the eyes and light of Iran\u201d to bring together historically antagonistic minorities; the use of the Mapuche flag in the 2019 demonstrations in Chile, and the Kabyle one in Algeria during the Hirak. In the heat of uprising, these gestures were all attempts to extend the people.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yet, no segment of the margins is capable of unifying the diversity of people indefinitely. Unity is enabled by the sharing of experiences from the margins \u2013 insurrectionary practices, resistance in the face of repression and the organisation of immediate survival \u2013 more than by visions of change or ideological convictions. Whilst regimes were relentless in their efforts to divide the movement by all possible means, pre-existing divisions also returned at the first opportunity, undermining the unity born of revolt. This leaves us with a major question: how can we maintain our unity beyond the peak of an uprising?<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A people is always several things at once. It can be deceived, oppressed, participate in its own defeat or that of others. It can be divided with each fragment fighting each other. But a people can also, on rare occasions, rally around a collective will to free itself from the political class that governs it. It\u2019s only through coming together, even if ephemerally, despite obstacles and contradictions, that the various segments of the margins, together with dissidents of the centres, have created a people with a new meaning. A people with revolutionary potential.<\/span><\/p><p style=\"text-align: right;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the fall of the regime<\/span><\/i><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Egypt, Tunisia and Ukraine, regimes fell. In Lebanon, Sri Lanka and Iraq, governments were overthrown. Yet even when movements seemed momentarily victorious, nowhere did the uprisings succeed in preventing a return to the established order or the arrival of the worst. Insurgents everywhere were painfully reminded that replacing a government or a constitution is not synonymous with threatening the powerful. The uprisings failed to reach the core of regimes.<\/span><\/p><p>An uprising is the eruption of the real movement, the self-assertion of those who have been pushed out of their humanity, dispossessed of their own strength. In this way, it signals both to the centres and to the margins themselves that the status quo can no longer continue. It fractures the legitimacy of established powers. The question remains, what to do with this fracture?<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 2022, Sri Lanka found itself on the verge of tipping over. Government buildings were occupied, the president had fled the country, and the army and police didn\u2019t dare intervene. In a way, revolutionaries had won the first round. But not knowing what to do with the ministries, they returned them. As elsewhere, revolutionaries were beaten by the shock of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">their own victory.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In many uprisings, in the face of our paralysis, politicians and technocrats of all stripes did not miss the opportunity offered by our weakness. The Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia and Egypt, the military chiefs in Libya and Algeria, the \u201cofficial\u201d opposition of the Syrian National Council: the crowd of opportunists didn\u2019t wait for us to finish mourning our dead or nursing our wounded. While our barricades were still in place, they went to negotiate a \u201cpolitical outcome\u201d, synonymous with the end of the revolt.<\/span><\/p><p>How can we forget Boric, subsequently elected President of Chile, rushing into the halls of Congress in 2019, while the crowd was still confronting the police in the streets, to sign a biased agreement for a constitutional process to contain the revolt alongside the ruling political parties? As is so often the case, the institutional game intervened to restore order and prevent the country from plunging into the unknown. \u201cIf Pinera falls, we all fall\u201d, said a left-wing Chilean senator with lucidity. Politicians and bourgeois of both right and left always prefer to accept cosmetic change and a few concessions to ward off the advent of a revolution that would really threaten their power and wealth. To prevent a profound revolution.<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">During the Ma\u00efdan uprising in Kyiv in 2014, the ministry doors slammed shut once the regime was deposed by the street. Opposition parties were quick to propose a \u201ctransitional government\u201d, which they paraded on the central grandstand of the occupied square asserting their legitimacy. The insurgents were not fooled but, after three months of insurrection, they were exhausted so the subterfuge came to pass. Insurgents thought they could keep a close eye on the new government and even proposed \u201cpeople\u2019s\u201d deputies. They pressured the new government by occupying a number of ministries to bring about institutional change and threatened to launch another Ma\u00efdan. But above all, it was a signal for everyone to go home.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Sri Lanka, Chile, and Ukraine, for the uprising to have gone further, it would have been necessary to face the uncertainty of knowing how the country was going to feed itself, where to get fuel or medicine, or how to defend themselves against foreign military aggression. To know how to survive and live, rebels would have had to answer questions of scale that, for the moment, are beyond their grasp: what to do with state institutions, international organisations, the army or foreign debt? How could they overcome obstacles without creating new dependencies? History has taught us that compromises often lead to concessions, i.e. variations of the same, rather than alternatives. So how do we keep fighting without falling into the abyss?<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To do so, we need more than just material assurances. Throwing yourself into the unknown is an act of faith. It\u2019s done when there appears to be no choice. Or out of conviction; when you believe in something so deeply that it seems worth the risk. But what exactly do we believe in? What is our response to uncertainty? The days when socialism was on the table for every uprising are over. Without a map or compass, rebels have thrown themselves into the arms of those who had a plan: the reactionaries, the liberals or the military. And those of us who ignited the revolt were left to contemplate, comment and criticise \u2013 at least those of us who were still free, or alive.<br \/><br \/><\/span><\/p><p style=\"text-align: right;\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the plan we missed<\/span><\/i><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The irony is that perhaps the plan was there all along, right before our eyes. Much has been said about the horizontal, decentralised nature of our revolts. About the extent to which the big traditional organisations were absent or incapable of monopolising the \u201cleadership\u201d of the emerging movements. Leftists around the world appeared overwhelmed by the intensity and inventiveness of this wave of uprisings.<\/span><\/p><p>As a result, each uprising, each struggle, saw the emergence, independently of the directives of this or that leader, party or organisation, new forms of popular organisation adapted to the needs of each revolt. Occupations of squares, buildings or universities in Greece, Egypt, Lebanon, Iraq, Sri Lanka and Hong Kong; local councils in Syria and resistance committees in Sudan; territorial assemblies in Chile and Colombia; feminist assemblies around the world; round-abouts taken over by Yellow Vests in France.<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In each of these experiences, insurgents found themselves organising the offensive as well as the day-to-day life of the uprising. Assemblies were held to discuss strategy and prepare for highway blockades, demonstrations and assaults on centres of power. We tried to organise security and self-defence, geolocated repressive forces, prepared legal defences and took care of the wounded. We built camps and shacks, fed crowds through <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ollas communes<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (popular kitchens) and occupied and cultivated vegetable gardens. Everywhere, we tried to ensure the proliferation of our forces and our possibilities for action.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Syria, revolutionaries went even further. In territories from which the regime was ousted, insurgents managed to run entire towns, hospitals, mills, power stations and distribute food by themselves for several years. The hundreds of local councils in the liberated territories were testimony to the fact that Syria\u2019s future lay neither in the hands of the National Council (opposition in exile), nor in those of armed groups. Yet revolutionaries didn\u2019t dare claim that it was they themselves who might actually be building an alternative to the regime. It was the demonstration in deed that even under bombs and siege, cut off from the world and facing ruthless repression, people were capable of governing themselves.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In an uprising, we\u2019ll always face forces who won\u2019t hesitate to take over the palaces. And their priority will always be to defeat nascent forms of popular organisation. Not being recognized as serious or legitimate by national and international forces, rebels were sidelined. Faced with these threats, we generally failed to influence the outcome of revolts. We were either unable or unwilling to take charge of the aftermath of the uprising. We failed to establish ourselves as a <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">power<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Sudan too, during the last decade of struggle (2013-2023), resistance committees were set up in cities and neighbourhoods. They organised both mobilisations and popular mutual aid. Year after year, revolt after revolt, they\u2019ve grown in strength and experience. Following the ousting of President Omar al-Bashir, some opposition organisations decided to participate in the civilian-military Transitional Council. The resistance committees largely opposed this decision in order to remain faithful to the revolution\u2019s demand to remove all powers linked to the military. As a result, they themselves embodied popular legitimacy. Freed from opposition organisations and strengthened by this legitimacy, the hundreds of committees drafted and then voted on a proposal for the country\u2019s future: the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Charter for the Establishment of People\u2019s Authority<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Only in Sudan did the movement\u2019s grassroots committees dare to claim revolutionary power. Elsewhere, one of the great errors was to have reduced the emerging popular powers to the means of the revolution, rather than a unique combination of its means and ends. As a prefiguration of a possible revolutionary future.<\/span><\/p><p>These experiments offer a wealth of lessons for revolutionaries; they join and update a long history of popular power. It\u2019s a history that no textbook mentions: that of the <i>Comandos Comunales<\/i> and <i>Cordones Industriales<\/i> in Chile (1970-73), the <i>Quilombos<\/i> of Brazil (1550-2024), the <i>sans-culottes<\/i> sections of the French Revolution (1789-93), the <i>Caracoles<\/i> of Chiapas and the Workers\u2019 Councils of Russia and Bavaria (1905, 1918-1919), the communes of Paris (1871), Morelos (1913) and Kronstadt (1921). And many others.<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We interpret what we\u2019ve lived through as an ongoing era of insurrection. What some quickly dismissed as defeat, we see as the birth of a worldwide movement of revolt for dignity. We look our failures straight in the eye, and prepare ourselves for victories to come. Our starting point is all those places to which popular power has returned, sometimes ephemerally, sometimes more tenaciously, to give us back our strength.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-18174e3 elementor-widget-divider--view-line_icon elementor-view-default elementor-widget-divider--element-align-center elementor-widget elementor-widget-divider\" data-id=\"18174e3\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"divider.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-divider\">\n\t\t\t<span class=\"elementor-divider-separator\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon elementor-divider__element\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<i aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"fas fa-sun\"><\/i><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-ce2e12e elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"ce2e12e\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The full text of the Peoples Want manifesto, along with more information about the network, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/thepeopleswant.org\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can be found here<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-ec9706c elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-phone\" data-id=\"ec9706c\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-2de9539c elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-phone\" data-id=\"2de9539c\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-2f73eb elementor-widget elementor-widget-shortcode\" data-id=\"2f73eb\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"shortcode.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-shortcode\"><div class=\"shariff shariff-align-flex-start shariff-widget-align-flex-start\"><ul class=\"shariff-buttons theme-default orientation-horizontal buttonsize-medium\"><li class=\"shariff-button twitter shariff-nocustomcolor\" style=\"background-color:#595959\"><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/share?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.midnightsunmag.ca%2Fthe-revolutionary-task-as-a-task-of-translation%2F&text=The%20Revolutionary%20Task%20as%20a%20Task%20of%20Translation&via=midnightsunmag\" title=\"Share on X\" aria-label=\"Share on X\" role=\"button\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\" class=\"shariff-link\" style=\"; 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A conversation with Midnight Sun editor David Camfield.<\/span><\/li><\/ul><div class=\"crp_clear\"><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Midnight Sun is excited to publish an excerpt from the founding text of The Peoples Want \u2013 a new network dedicated to revolutionary internationalism from below \u2013 along with a brief conversation with comrades building that project.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":8388,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"elementor_header_footer","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[121],"tags":[211,114,406],"class_list":["post-8386","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-conversations","tag-internationalism","tag-socialist-organizing","tag-the-peoples-want","entry","has-media"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v23.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>The Revolutionary Task as a Task of Translation – Midnight Sun<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Midnight Sun is excited to publish an excerpt from the founding text of The Peoples Want \u2013 a new network dedicated 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