{"id":6314,"date":"2022-11-25T01:01:00","date_gmt":"2022-11-25T06:01:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.midnightsunmag.ca\/?p=6314"},"modified":"2022-12-06T13:17:26","modified_gmt":"2022-12-06T18:17:26","slug":"notes-from-argentina-whats-under-attack-when-abortion-rights-are-under-attack","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.midnightsunmag.ca\/notes-from-argentina-whats-under-attack-when-abortion-rights-are-under-attack\/","title":{"rendered":"Notes from Argentina: What\u2019s Under Attack When Abortion Rights are Under Attack?"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"6314\" class=\"elementor elementor-6314\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-2723065c elementor-section-height-min-height elementor-section-content-top elementor-section-stretched elementor-section-items-bottom elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"2723065c\" data-element_type=\"section\" data-settings=\"{&quot;stretch_section&quot;:&quot;section-stretched&quot;,&quot;background_background&quot;:&quot;classic&quot;}\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-67b1520b\" data-id=\"67b1520b\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-2466a451 elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-mobile animated-slow elementor-view-default elementor-invisible elementor-widget elementor-widget-icon\" data-id=\"2466a451\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-settings=\"{&quot;_animation&quot;:&quot;fadeInDown&quot;}\" data-widget_type=\"icon.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon\">\n\t\t\t<i aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"fas fa-angle-double-down\"><\/i>\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-2f1ee62a elementor-section-full_width elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"2f1ee62a\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-no\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-3c1ab613\" data-id=\"3c1ab613\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-44fad00a elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"44fad00a\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\"><a href=\"https:\/\/unsplash.com\/photos\/_8afOAC58AA\" target=\"_blank\">Photo: Geronimo Poppino\/Unsplash<\/a><\/h2>\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-115e59aa elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"115e59aa\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-10acf0ee\" data-id=\"10acf0ee\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-50b50d4d elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"50b50d4d\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<h3 style=\"text-align: right;\">11. 25. 2022<\/h3><h1>Notes from Argentina:<br \/>What\u2019s Under Attack When Abortion Rights are Under Attack?<\/h1><h3 style=\"text-align: right;\"><strong><br \/>Paula Varela<\/strong><\/h3><h3 style=\"text-align: right;\"><strong>(Translated from Spanish by Dawn Marie Paley)<\/strong><\/h3><hr \/><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>After years of struggle, in 2020 the \u201c<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jacobin.com\/2018\/09\/argentinas-anticapitalist-feminism\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">green tide<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201d social movement won the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=8crhBoDUuZE\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">right<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to free, legal, and safe abortion in Argentina. This historic demand of the women\u2019s movement, which has gained strength since the rise of the <\/span><a href=\"http:\/\/niunamenos.org.ar\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">#NiUnaMenos<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> campaign in 2015 and the building of the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/publicaciones.sociales.uba.ar\/index.php\/CS\/article\/viewFile\/6254\/5272\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">International Women\u2019s Strike<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, was attained through struggle in the streets. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These massive events offer important lessons about<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> what the right to abortion means in our societies, which are undergoing a deep crisis of neoliberal capitalism.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In these brief notes, I\u2019d like to share part of what we learned through this process, so as to reflect on what\u2019s under attack when access to abortion is being attacked by the resurgent right, as we\u2019ve seen with the reversal of Roe v. Wade in the US.<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>Note #1: The building of the opposition<i> \u201cgender against the People\u201d<\/i><\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One of the most gratifying moments during the struggle for abortion in Argentina came in 2018, when the right-wing government of Mauricio Macri, who himself was openly against abortion legalization, put the issue on the parliamentary agenda. The opening of a debate in Congress had a two-fold effect. Institutionally, it led to two months of presentations by feminists, church members, academics, scientists, artists, jurists, people from NGOs, and so on. Every Tuesday and Thursday over those two months, arguments for and against abortion legalization were filmed and broadcast on TV. In the sphere of civil society, this spirit of debate was multiplied by a thousand: abortion was being talked about in the streets, in schools, in universities, in factories, in homes, on buses, in trains, and in bars. This was a beautiful moment of mass politicization during which \u201c<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">las pibas,<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201d women who were not even 20 years old, tied their green kerchiefs to their backpacks and went out to fight for their right \u201cto decide about their own body.\u201d That was probably the most popular slogan.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At that time, a well-known leader of Argentina\u2019s <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/ctepargentina.org\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Confederation of Workers in the Popular Economy<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (CTEP) made a series of statements that are important to analyze. Beyond taking a personal position against abortion (he is a devoted Catholic and friend of Pope Francis), he said that <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the debate over legalization isn\u2019t part of the political agenda for poor women<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, who are worried instead about survival in a country with high levels of poverty and homelessness. On the contrary, he said, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">abortion legalization belongs to an agenda that expresses the interest of another class, which has been influenced by the \u201cideological trend\u201d of feminism.<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> In his view, the debate about abortion is part of a middle-class agenda that doesn\u2019t meaningfully impact real power, and that may therefore be considered part of the hypocrisy of progressivism, and in particular of Buenos Aires progressivism, in reference to residents of the largest metropolis in Argentina.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What this leader openly put into words is a clear example of what I refer to as a slippage from the historic \u201cgender vs. class\u201d approach to an updated \u201cgender against the People\u201d frame. His argument wasn\u2019t just that abortion is not an important concern for poor and working-class women \u2013\u00a0a claim at odds with all the poor and working-class women who have died due to clandestine abortions \u2013 but also that putting abortion on the public agenda is distracting political strategy from the real problems of the people: the millions living in poverty in the working-class neighbourhoods of the periphery.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is obvious that these types of discourses forge two opposing camps: on one side, there are those who are worried about the millions that neoliberalism has left \u201coutside the system\u201d (a position often described with the far too ambiguous term &#8220;populism&#8221;); and on the other, there is\u00a0 middle-class progressivism, which could be summarized as \u201c<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.dissentmagazine.org\/online_articles\/progressive-neoliberalism-reactionary-populism-nancy-fraser\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">progressive neoliberalism<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">,\u201d in the words of Nancy Fraser. The right to abortion appears, then, as part of the programme of this hypocritical \u201cprogressive neoliberalism.\u201d Paradoxically, the kind of false binary that \u201cleft-wing populists\u201d such as CTEP\u2019s leader (and others like him) help to build is one of the main fulcrums around which right-wing populism gains support to attack the rights of women and LGBT people. Leaning on the population\u2019s understandable weariness towards the discourse of \u201cprogressive neoliberalism \u2013 a weariness that increasingly takes the form of hate \u2013 right-wing populism turns access to abortion into a topic of a hypocritical political agenda, as if abortion rights were a minor concern in a world in which millions live in poverty without any future before them.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The opening of this divide, however, also leans on a much older idea that has even been present in parts of the feminist movement: the idea that abortion is exclusively an individual choice: the right to decide about one\u2019s own body. Based in this liberal (\u201cpro-choice\u201d) notion of the right to abortion, populist discourse has created an opposition between a main political agenda \u2013 poverty, or the collective right of the people to not be left outside of the system (which could be expressed in the US as the desire to revive \u201cthe American dream\u201d or by the Brazilian people as putting Brazil \u201cabove all else\u201d) \u2013 <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">against <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a secondary agenda, the legalization of abortion, which is treated as an individual right that progressive neoliberals strive, hypocritically, to put above everything and <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">everyone else<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This antinomy, between a collective right of the people and an individual right of the middle class, reinforces the idea of \u201cgender against the People.\u201d And it is precisely against this idea that feminists, and especially those of us who identify as socialist feminists, must sharpen our argument. We must explain that <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the right to abortion, in addition to being an individual right of women and people who can gestate, is a central part of the political agenda of the <\/span><\/i><a href=\"https:\/\/brill.com\/view\/title\/20016\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">class-that-lives-from-labour<\/span><\/i><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, as the sociologist Ricardo Antunes terms it<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But before I develop those arguments, let me share another snapshot of what we learned in Argentina.<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>Note #2: It always matters who pays the bills<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One of the most progressive aspects of Argentina\u2019s <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.argentina.gob.ar\/noticias\/ley-no-27610-acceso-la-interrupcion-voluntaria-del-embarazo-ive-obligatoriedad-de-brindar\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Voluntary Pregnancy Interruption Law<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (IVE) is that it establishes, on a national level, the obligation on the part of the state to <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.argentina.gob.ar\/noticias\/ley-no-27610-acceso-la-interrupcion-voluntaria-del-embarazo-ive-obligatoriedad-de-brindar\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">guarantee<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u201ctotally free care in the public system, as well as in the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.argentina.gob.ar\/sssalud\/usuarios\/obras-sociales\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">union health system<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and pre-pay hospitals (including all studies, medicine and services required).\u201d The demand that abortion be totally free can be traced back to the women\u2019s movement, as it has developed within the annual <\/span><a href=\"http:\/\/35encuentroplurinacionalmlttbinb.org\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">National Women\u2019s Meetings<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that have taken place since 1986, and by the <\/span><a href=\"http:\/\/www.abortolegal.com.ar\/about\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">National Campaign for Free, Safe, and Legal Abortion<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which proposed draft legislation continuously from 2005 to 2020. It is also the result of the struggles of healthcare and education workers against neoliberal privatization since 1990. These struggles have built a tradition of defending public healthcare and education in our country, which has strongly impacted social movements \u2013 such as the feminist movement \u2013 and which has made it so that today Argentina is one of the Latin American countries where public healthcare and education are still strong (though they are increasingly underfunded). To include totally free access to abortion in the law was to inscribe the right to abortion in this egalitarian tradition whose greatest advocates are public workers, incorporating it into the rights of the people to have their social reproduction guaranteed. This class aspect of the right to abortion has been highlighted in the slogans of the left wing of the feminist movement, who regularly point to the fact that poor and working-class women are those who have died most frequently from clandestine abortions in Argentina.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In any case, it was the General Workers Confederation (CGT) that most explicitly established the link between the legalization of abortion and the increase in rights related to social reproduction among women workers, and all workers along with them \u2013 although not in the way that one would have liked. A month before the bill was to be dealt with in the Senate, the CGT, which is the main workers\u2019 organization in Argentina, issued an institutional communiqu\u00e9 in which it stated that the Confederation would not take an official position on abortion, but that it could not fail to alert the national government, the Ministry of Labour, and the Ministry of Health to &#8220;the extremely high costs generated by some rulings that force health institutions to comply with experimental procedures.&#8221; This allusion to the costs of treatment, in a communiqu\u00e9 referring to the debate on the legalization of abortion, was a clear reference to the impact that the approval of legal abortion would have on the economic sustainability of the union health system. That system would be compelled by law<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to expand health coverage for women workers and people who can gestate<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, by including this new medical practice in the services that the system must provide free of charge. In this way, the CGT expressed something that even the corporate leaders of private healthcare companies hadn\u2019t come out and said directly: that legal and free abortion would raise the costs of the reproduction of the working class for the state, for the union health system, and for private-sector healthcare. And they are right.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Seen from the vantage point of businessmen, state officials, and, sadly, also union leaders who have been transformed into administrators of the union health system, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">an improvement in the conditions of our social reproduction<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> has been calculated as a cost increase (which is nothing more than an increase in the value of labour power). Legal, free, and safe abortion is thus inscribed in the collection of rights that guarantee dignified social reproduction, alongside healthcare, education, child and elder care, palliative care, assistance for people with disabilities, and so on. As an unintended consequence, the CGT&#8217;s reference to the economic cost that the legalization of abortion carries for the health system placed on the table an issue that is central to the debate: <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">we\u2019re not just talking about the right to an individual decision (which it obviously is), we\u2019re talking also about a collective right of women workers \u2013 and with them, of the entirety of the class-that-lives-from-labour \u2013 to the state guaranteeing the conditions of our social reproduction<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Thus, far from being in competition with the demands of the millions who don\u2019t want to be left out of the system in neoliberal capitalism, access to free and safe abortion is a fundamental part of those demands and, therefore, of workers\u2019 struggles.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p><h2>Note #3: Our struggle for the right to set the conditions of our social reproduction is a class struggle\u00a0<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Inscribing access to abortion in the field of our rights, as workers, to establish the conditions of our social reproduction is a dagger in the liberal conception of the right to abortion, and in all populist attempts to build a \u201cgender against the People\u201d opposition. What does establishing the conditions of our social reproduction mean? In order to answer that, I will bring elements of social reproduction theory (SRT) into play.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Establishing the conditions of our social reproduction involves a struggle that takes place on at least three levels. First off, and by now obvious, is the level of the individual right of women and people who can gestate to decide whether they want to carry a pregnancy to term. As <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/brill.com\/view\/title\/21613\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lise Vogel<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> noted, and as was asserted later in the work of Susan Ferguson, Tithi Bhattacharya, and Cinzia Arruzza (among others), the biological ability of some people to become pregnant is a necessary condition for social reproduction, but it is not enough on its own. The individual dimension (which was effectively contested in Argentina by the feminist slogan against the Catholic Church, \u201cGet your rosaries out of our ovaries\u201d)<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> is always already intertwined with the social dimensions that are shaped by capitalism, whose crisis of social reproduction is becoming more and more pressing and violent. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A decision \u201cabout one\u2019s own body\u201d isn\u2019t made in the void.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second level, then, concerns the struggle to establish the social conditions in which the reproduction of life is carried out. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">They are two sides of the same coin: our demand for the right to abortion is impossible to separate from our demand for the right to dignified conditions for the reproduction of life. And as social reproduction theory maintains, the material conditions of the reproduction of life unfold on three different terrains that are each distinct, but inseparable: that of salaried or paid work (which is increasingly precarious); that of public services like healthcare, education, and care work (which are increasingly underfunded); and that of homes and communities (which are increasingly pauperized in terms of both resources and time). Working-class women and people who can gestate navigate these three terrains on a daily basis, and this has transformed the reproduction of life into an ordeal. To debate abortion without including this social dimension is to de-class a debate that is very much about class. That is why it is unacceptable for the feminist movement that union and workers\u2019 organizations refuse to incorporate free, legal, and safe abortion <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">among their central demands <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(this refusal is also one of the factors that motivates feminist political struggle)<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is not an \u201cindividual problem\u201d facing women, and much less a \u201cmiddle-class problem\u201d as compared to a \u201cproblem of the People.\u201d Rather, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">establishing the conditions of our own reproduction is a<\/span><\/i> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">fundamental right of the class-that-lives-from-labour.<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That\u2019s why the debate around legalizing abortion \u2013 in countries in which it is a right that has yet to be won, or in those such as the US, in which it must be won again after defeats such as the reversal of Roe v. Wade \u2013 must incorporate these social dimensions. It should do so in part to avoid being cornered by right-wing populism, which, in a massive display of cynicism, presents itself as a political alternative to this crisis, even as its proponents are the staunchest defenders of the capitalist order.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, these dimensions of social reproduction relate not only to material issues but also to the disciplining of subjectivities. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The third level of the struggle to set the conditions of our social reproduction concerns this moulding of subjectivity<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Restricting access to free, safe, and legal abortion is part of a clear policy of disciplining women workers, particularly the poorest, racialized, and migrant women. There are millions of women workers who cannot access an illegal abortion through the market due to a lack of resources, but also due to the precarity of their legal status. Disciplining is not a marginal aspect of the exploitation of the class-that-lives-from-labour. It is a fundamental one.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Denying the right to abortion, at the same time as the right to access dignified social reproduction is limited (by miserable wages, non-existent public services, and shattered households), plays a central part in shaping a huge segment of workers (women) who are required to sell their labour power in the worst conditions in order to survive. Any possibility, for these women, of projecting a life according to their desires \u2013 whether these desires include having children or not \u2013 becomes an illusion. And thus, this enormous segment of the labour force becomes objectively more vulnerable to capital \u2013 and therefore more profitable for it.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The ability to shape the conditions of our social reproduction demands not only the individual freedom to decide whether or not to bear children, and the material conditions to do so or not to do so in a dignified way. It demands (or should demand) also the social and subjective conditions to deploy our productive, amatory, playful, and caring capacities to their fullest expression \u2013 in the words of social reproduction scholar Aaron Jaffe, to deploy our \u201clabour powers\u201d not as a commodity but instead as an enormous (and yet to be fully explored) creative capacity.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Seen in this way, the right to legal, free, and safe abortion is part of an anti-capitalist program that opposes our right to a full life to neoliberal capitalism&#8217;s politics of disposable lives. As Susan Ferguson has said, it sets <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.midnightsunmag.ca\/life-making-or-death-making\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">life-making against death-making<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>Note #4: The family as a haven, the re-privatization of social reproduction, and the risk of romanticizing communities and the commons<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The fact that neoliberal capitalism has made social reproduction an ordeal has also been integrated into right-wing populism\u2019s cynical discourse. Of course, the right-populist program does not consist in improving wages, providing more and better free public services, or reducing the working day and socializing care work so that homes don\u2019t shatter to pieces. That program consists in a re-privatization of the work of social reproduction and the exemplification of the family as a haven. This discourse, which is taken to its extreme by Christian churches (Evangelical and Catholic), is rooted in an objective fact: under neoliberal capitalism, the home appears as a sphere that escapes the logic of the commodification of life. In a world that is increasingly dependent on what can be bought or sold on the market (and therefore, on who has the means to do so), the family appears as a refuge and women as its guardians.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do not want to dwell on the wholly conservative character of this discourse, which transforms forced maternity into a kind of crusade against the politics of disposability. Rather, I want to analyze the idea of the family as haven, which some left-wing populism has reformulated and recapitulated, framing homes and communities as sites of refuge. As <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.plutobooks.com\/9780745399881\/social-reproduction-theory\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tithi Bhattacharya<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> points out with great clarity, the home and the community, integral to the circuit of social reproduction, don\u2019t respond to the same rules as the circuit of production and the market: there are no foremen controlling the work done there, there is no buying and selling of commodities to obtain the goods to survive, there is no exploitation of labour power as a commodity. In this sense, they can appear (and at times, do in fact function) as refuges from the hostility of <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.versobooks.com\/books\/3859-cannibal-capitalism\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">cannibal capitalism<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, that doesn\u2019t mean homes and communities are independent of what takes place in the circuit of production and the market: time that is spent at home is defined by labour-time outside the home, the resources available in the home are defined by what can be obtained on the market or vis-<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00e0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">-vis the capitalist state, and bodies and spirits are exhausted by what the circuit of production has taken. The relations built in homes and communities, including those based on care \u2013 in which part of the work consists in creating subjectivities that are apt for sale as labour within the market \u2013 are determined indirectly by the \u201cother circuit.\u201d The logic of disposability is a fully capitalist logic and does not exist only within the sphere of production and the market. It is the pursuit of profit-making over life- (and nature)-making that constitute capitalism as a system that discards \u201clives that do not matter.\u201d That is why it is critical for the feminist movement and the workers\u2019 movement not to romanticize the home and communities as if they were, per se, anti-capitalist trenches.<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The idea of the construction of \u201cthe commons\u201d that some currents of feminism sustain runs the risk of romanticizing the home and communities, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/spectrejournal.com\/social-reproduction-in-dispute\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">breathing life into a series of dichotomies that can be turned against us<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the one hand, there is the false dichotomy between an \u201cinside\u201d and an \u201coutside\u201d of capitalism, which creates the illusion that the home and communities are a kind of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">oikos<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> [traditional social unit], as feminist scholar Silvia Federici terms it, that must be returned to in order to escape the logic of capital. On the other hand, there is the false dichotomy between the space of production and that of social reproduction, as if it were possible to exercise our right to set the conditions of our social reproduction without fighting against the rules of capitalist production that reduce our labour power to a commodity. Finally, we encounter the false dichotomy between the working class as a whole and the women whose work reproduces life at home and in communities, a framing that romanticizes the role of working-class women in care work, as though those were the only capacities and subjectivities we can and should develop.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the contrary, our struggle for our right to create the conditions of our social reproduction is a struggle of the entire class-that-lives-from-labour against the ways capitalism amputates our development and our potential futures. That is why the terrains of this fight are workplaces; public health, education, and care-providing institutions; and homes and communities. This is a struggle in which working-class women are leaders, and for which the political agenda should include free, legal, and safe abortion at its core.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-a744838 elementor-widget-divider--view-line_icon elementor-view-default elementor-widget-divider--element-align-center elementor-widget elementor-widget-divider\" data-id=\"a744838\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"divider.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-divider\">\n\t\t\t<span class=\"elementor-divider-separator\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon elementor-divider__element\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<i aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"fas fa-sun\"><\/i><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-258336da elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"258336da\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Paula Varela is a professor at Universidad de Buenos Aires and a researcher at CONICET (National Scientific and Technical Research Council), Argentina. She is a socialist and a Marxist feminist activist and scholar whose published work includes articles on social reproduction theory, class struggles, unions, and the new feminist wave. She is the editor of the book <i>Women Workers: Bridge Between Production and Reproduction. Workplace and Activism in the New Feminist Wave<\/i> (2020, CEIL, available online). Varela also coordinates the \u201cObservatory of the Workers During the Pandemic\u201d in the newspaper <em>La Izquierda Diario<\/em>. She was born and lives in Buenos Aires.<\/p><p><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/dawn_\">Dawn Marie Paley<\/a> is a journalist and author of <em>Drug War Capitalism<\/em> and <em>Guerra neoliberal: desaparici\u00f3n y b\u00fasqueda en el norte de M\u00e9xico<\/em>.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-7d989a79 elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-phone\" data-id=\"7d989a79\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-17d27cd5 elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-phone\" data-id=\"17d27cd5\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-61beb8f0 elementor-widget elementor-widget-shortcode\" data-id=\"61beb8f0\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"shortcode.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-shortcode\"><div class=\"shariff shariff-align-flex-start shariff-widget-align-flex-start\"><ul class=\"shariff-buttons theme-default orientation-horizontal buttonsize-medium\"><li class=\"shariff-button twitter shariff-nocustomcolor\" style=\"background-color:#595959\"><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/share?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.midnightsunmag.ca%2Fnotes-from-argentina-whats-under-attack-when-abortion-rights-are-under-attack%2F&text=Notes%20from%20Argentina%3A%20What%E2%80%99s%20Under%20Attack%20When%20Abortion%20Rights%20are%20Under%20Attack%3F&via=midnightsunmag\" title=\"Share on X\" aria-label=\"Share on X\" role=\"button\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\" class=\"shariff-link\" style=\"; 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