{"id":4538,"date":"2022-02-19T02:59:47","date_gmt":"2022-02-19T07:59:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.midnightsunmag.ca\/?p=4538"},"modified":"2022-02-21T06:06:04","modified_gmt":"2022-02-21T11:06:04","slug":"fascism-is-as-canadian-as-the-maple-leaf","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.midnightsunmag.ca\/fascism-is-as-canadian-as-the-maple-leaf\/","title":{"rendered":"Fascism is as Canadian as the Maple Leaf"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"4538\" class=\"elementor elementor-4538\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-1b041b53 elementor-section-height-min-height elementor-section-content-top elementor-section-stretched elementor-section-items-bottom elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"1b041b53\" data-element_type=\"section\" data-settings=\"{&quot;stretch_section&quot;:&quot;section-stretched&quot;,&quot;background_background&quot;:&quot;classic&quot;}\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-1d9a4c62\" data-id=\"1d9a4c62\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-29c4570d elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-mobile animated-slow elementor-view-default elementor-invisible elementor-widget elementor-widget-icon\" data-id=\"29c4570d\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-settings=\"{&quot;_animation&quot;:&quot;fadeInDown&quot;}\" data-widget_type=\"icon.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon\">\n\t\t\t<i aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"fas fa-angle-double-down\"><\/i>\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-cc04826 elementor-section-full_width elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"cc04826\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-no\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-620e13cd\" data-id=\"620e13cd\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-496d626 elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"496d626\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\"><a href=\"https:\/\/unsplash.com\/photos\/_8afOAC58AA\" target=\"_blank\">Photo: amanda panda\/Unsplash<\/a><\/h2>\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-24eaec7 elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"24eaec7\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-4c5f17a4\" data-id=\"4c5f17a4\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-2034517c elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"2034517c\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<h3 style=\"text-align: right;\">2. 19. 2022<\/h3><h1>Fascism is as Canadian <br \/>as the Maple Leaf<\/h1><h3 style=\"text-align: right;\"><strong><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Todd Gordon<\/span><\/strong><\/h3><hr \/><p><br \/>The \u201cFreedom Convoy\u201d is the biggest protest organized by the Canadian far right since the 1930s. It swarmed Ottawa with reactionary exuberance, waving Nazi, Confederate, Gadsden, Red Ensign, and Maple Leaf flags, issuing threats of violence against opponents, and dreaming of recuperating a mythologized lost Canada. While the politics of this movement remain fluid, they\u2019re recognizable as the politics of the far right: a continuum that includes fascists and those who occupy the space between fascists and mainstream conservatives, with a more aggressively racist, colonial, transphobic, anti-union, and anti-liberal politics than the mainstream is willing to openly endorse.<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The resurgence of the far right is not an aberration for Canada, something unexpected, inexplicable, or inconsistent with Canadian history. It also cannot be reduced to the pandemic, bound to disappear when mask and vaccine mandates do. The far right\u2019s growth is, rather, what the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci described as a \u201cmorbid symptom\u201d of our time\u2019s deep capitalist crisis, which was augmented by the pandemic but began before it. Far-right organizers will undoubtedly be emboldened by the scale and commitment of the convoy movement and will seek to build on it both electorally and in the streets. These developments also mean an escalating danger for the targets of the far right\u2019s vitriol and authoritarian fantasies: people of colour, Indigenous people, queer and trans people, and anyone willing to fight for a socially just world. How the left responds to these developments will play a decisive role in shaping how this new period unfolds. So it\u2019s incumbent on us to understand how we got here.<br \/><\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>The rebirth of fascism in the Canadian state<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Great Recession of 2008 \u2013 the biggest global crisis of capitalist accumulation since the 1930s \u2013 evolved into a long economic downturn with weak profitability for capital, which translated into heightened precarity for workers and the petty bourgeoisie (the classical Marxist term for the \u201cmiddle class\u201d between large capitalists and workers, including small business owners, middle management types, professionals, and members of the military). This crisis, combined with state-sponsored Islamophobia accompanying the War on Terror and white supremacist reaction against the Black Lives Matter movement, helped set the stage for the resurgence of the far right in North America and Europe.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the United States, this resurgence has included fascist paramilitaries asserting their power on the street, most recently during 2020\u2019s rebellions in defence of Black lives and the January 6 Capitol riot; it has been enabled, in part, by Donald Trump and many of his followers inside and outside the Republican Party. The far right has also developed a significant political footprint in France, Greece, Italy, Hungary, Germany, the UK, Sweden, and Finland, among other European countries \u2013 pulling mainstream conservative parties to the right. In India, the far right has become a dominant political force under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.npr.org\/2019\/05\/03\/706808616\/the-powerful-group-shaping-the-rise-of-hindu-nationalism-in-india\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">connected to fascist paramilitary organizations<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Jair Bolsonaro and his supporters, meanwhile, reflect a significant far-right restoration in Brazil.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Compared to its equivalents in many other parts of the world, the far right in Canada did not initially find much purchase in the years after 2008. As Geoff McCormack and Thom Workman have shown in their book <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Servant State: Overseeing Capital Accumulation in Canada<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, the severity of Canada\u2019s economic crisis of the early 1990s, greater than that in the US and Europe, meant the subsequent capitalist recovery in the 1990s and early 2000s generated sufficient levels of profitability to serve as a cushion in 2008. The volatility that fed into the growth of the far right in other parts of the world was simply not experienced on the same scale in Canada. As Donald Trump used the platform provided by his electoral run and presidency for his racist, xenophobic, nationalist vitriol, and American fascist forces started gaining a higher public profile, a brief window opened in which far-right organizations like the Soldiers of Odin, the Proud Boys, ID Canada, and La Meute were able to begin mobilizing more visibly in Canadian cities. A key feature shaping the Canadian far right at this point, like its equivalents elsewhere, was its extreme, conspiratorial Islamophobia \u2013 the legacy of Canada\u2019s participation in the War on Terror and post-9\/11 security laws de facto targeting Muslims. But outside of Qu\u00e9bec, these rallies never really grew beyond several dozen people. By 2018 this far-right wave had largely ebbed, with the notable exception of the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cbc.ca\/news\/canada\/calgary\/alberta-united-we-roll-convoy-organizer-1.5031454\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">United We Roll convoy<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in early 2019.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But even though Canada was spared the worst aspects of the capitalist crisis in 2008, underlying contradictions were nevertheless present. <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/briarpatchmagazine.com\/articles\/view\/canada-and-the-crisis-of-capitalism\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The rate of profit had been declining, and the mass of profit stagnant<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, since before 2008. As a result, rates of accumulation \u2013 that is, for example, investment in new technology, machinery, and other equipment \u2013 were (and remain) weak. Inevitably, these contradictions began to deepen, particularly after the collapse of oil prices in 2014. Canada has been in a period of prolonged economic sluggishness over the last several years. While some sections of capital have absolutely benefited from a pandemic-induced spike in profits, the wider trend of weak profitability persists. Prior to the pandemic, the employment rate and real wage growth were anemic. Corporate and household debt in Canada were steadily rising. They now rank among the highest in the world. <\/span><\/p><p>The government\u2019s pandemic spending and the Bank of Canada\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/thenextrecession.wordpress.com\/2017\/09\/21\/the-end-of-qe\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">quantitative easing<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> program have kept many businesses and households afloat that would otherwise have sunk. Despite the sharp economic contraction induced by state-mandated business closures (\u201clockdowns\u201d) in 2020, insolvencies are 30 percent below pre-pandemic levels.\u00a0 <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yet Canadian capitalism faces serious uncertainty, particularly as the effects of the pandemic may outlast the pandemic period, and this uncertainty will continue to be experienced most severely by workers and the petty bourgeoisie. Larger capitalists are also squeezed in such moments and some will not survive the reckoning. But with their economies of scale and relatively advantageous position in transnational supply chains, they are better able than their smaller counterparts to maintain access to inventory and supplies; buy the most advanced technologies to increase productivity (that is, to accumulate capital); seek out foreign markets to help restore profitability; readjust the terms of their borrowing; and eat into the market share of weaker (often smaller) competitors.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The petty bourgeoisie was hit hard by the pandemic and drew heavily from the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www150.statcan.gc.ca\/n1\/pub\/13-605-x\/2021001\/article\/00003-eng.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Canadian Emergency Business Account<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which offered interest-free loans to small businesses; the transportation sector, notably, was one of the biggest users of this fund, borrowing at a rate double its contribution to GDP. Three-quarters of indebted small businesses are concerned they<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cfib-fcei.ca\/en\/media\/news-releases\/small-businesses-have-not-made-dent-their-average-debt-and-face-continuing\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> will never be able to pay off their debts<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. The survival strategies available to the petty bourgeoisie are more limited than those at the disposal of its larger counterparts, and the precariousness of the petty-bourgeois class position can feed a rage that gets directed at anything that seems to make it even more uncertain, whether that be workers fighting pay cuts; the predatory behaviour of small businesses\u2019 multinational competitors; the special treatment of big corporations by government; burdensome regulations and taxes; or pandemic restrictions that larger companies are better able to endure or flout.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mediated by Canada\u2019s deeply colonial and racist character, which informs the middle class\u2019s national parochialism, these class dynamics are driving the resurgent far right\u2019s fight today against lockdowns and vaccine mandates.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p><h2>A Canadian tradition of violence<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We\u2019ve seen these dynamics in Canada before. The Canadian political landscape of the 1930s was <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.yiddishbookcenter.org\/collections\/archival-recordings\/frances-brandt\/fbr-561_4560\/swastika-and-maple-leaf-fascist-movements-canada-lita-rose-betcherman\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">littered with fascist organizations<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, from Ontario\u2019s Swastika Clubs to the Canadian Union of Fascists, Canadian Nationalist Party, and Ku Klux Klan. The large and influential Orange Order also occasionally engaged in violence in support of its militant Protestant and pro-British Empire politics. One of the largest concentrations of fascists in North America was in Qu\u00e9bec, with a violent, uniformed base centred on the petty bourgeoisie and students from the Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al. In a pattern that is repeated with every far-right resurgence in Canada, fascist organizations in the 1930s counted military personnel among their members; Major Joseph Maurice Scott, who taught physical training at Royal Military College, led the drilling of the paramilitary wing of Arcand\u2019s organization.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The fraternal relations that today\u2019s Conservative Party has struck up with the far right, witnessed during the United We Roll convoy in 2019 and again during the \u201cFreedom Convoy\u201d protests, are also not exceptional in the history of mainstream conservative parties in Canada (to say nothing of then-Prime Minister Mackenzie King\u2019s adulation of Hitler after meeting him in 1937). In the 1930s, Qu\u00e9bec fascists received money from the federal Conservatives to actively build electoral support for the latter in the province; fascist leader and self-described \u201c<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Canadian F\u00fchrer\u201d <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Adrien Arcand even met with pre-war Prime Minister R.B. Bennett to discuss strategy, while one of Bennett\u2019s cabinet ministers was a supporter of Arcand. Throughout its existence over the twentieth century, the Social Credit Party, which governed Alberta for three decades, would count fascists among its members. Some of them would ascend the party\u2019s hierarchy in Ontario in the 1970s.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As the long post-war boom descended into the economic crisis of the \u201870s, the far right around the world gathered momentum, including in Canada, once again drawing its leadership and core constituency from the middle class. In Toronto, a stridently anti-communist campus organization called the Edmund Burke Society formed in the mid-1960s. A few years later, some of its members, having radicalized further to the right, would form the fascist Western Guard. A number of other openly racist and violent organizations, including the KKK, also grew in Canada in the late 1970s and early \u201880s. Then as now, the far right used campaigns ostensibly in defence of free speech as an organizing tool.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The early 1990s saw the deepest recession Canada had experienced since the Great Depression, while immigration policy reforms from the previous two decades led to the growth of communities of colour in urban centres. This was the context in which the skinhead movement grew across the country and the neo-Nazi Heritage Front successfully recruited in high schools in the Greater Toronto Area and on university campuses across Ontario. Heritage Front leaders were well-connected with fascists abroad, particularly in the US. Their strategy included entry into Canada\u2019s newly established Reform Party, whose first leader, Preston Manning, is the son of a former leader of the Social Credit Party in Alberta. In its earliest iteration, the Reform Party was openly xenophobic, anti-Indigenous, and homophobic; it deployed a coded if barely concealed racism. The Heritage Front provided security for a number of the Reform Party\u2019s riding association meetings in Toronto, and for a 1991 rally led by Manning in Mississauga, with an estimated 6000 people in attendance. In 1993, the military was rocked by the Somalia Affair, in which white supremacist soldiers on a \u201cpeacekeeping\u201d mission <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.vice.com\/en\/article\/7x75xg\/remembering-the-somalia-affair-canadas-forgotten-abu-ghraib-moment\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">assaulted, tortured, and murdered Somali men<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. A subsequent investigation found the military to be <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/1993\/05\/17\/world\/canada-investigates-reported-ties-of-rightist-militants-and-military.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">full of white supremacists and neo-Nazis<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2>A new cover of an old, bad song<\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The latest far-right resurgence started early in the pandemic, with anti-mask and anti-lockdown demos across Canada. By the summer of 2021, with vaccine mandates coming into effect, these protests were clearly growing \u2013 and becoming angrier. Rallies drew thousands of people in a number of cities; in some instances, health-care workers were physically threatened. During the federal election campaign period, far-right protesters were consistently able to mobilize protests at Trudeau\u2019s rallies, in some cases disrupting them. Notoriously, one protester, then <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cbc.ca\/news\/canada\/london\/ppc-maxime-bernier-justin-trudeau-shane-marshall-1.6169515\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a riding association president of the People\u2019s Party of Canada<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, pelted Trudeau with gravel. The far right\u2019s momentum was expressed in the federal election results: the People\u2019s Party, whose members are very active in the movements demanding an end to pandemic restrictions, grew its share of the popular vote to 5 percent, up from 1.6 percent in 2019.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The far right includes more than just the enraged middle class, of course. No doubt there are working-class people drawn to the anti-vaccine mandate movement. But most workers in Canada are vaccinated, and many <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/globalnews.ca\/news\/8537455\/some-ontario-teachers-refuse-work-covid-concerns\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">work refusals<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and other labour actions related to COVID have sought stronger, not weakened, health and safety measures. The <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.newsweek.com\/why-are-canadas-unions-siding-government-against-workers-opinion-1679077\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">labour<\/span><\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cupw.ca\/en\/statement-good-collective-action-versus-convoy\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">movement<\/span><\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.unifor.org\/news\/all-news\/unifor-condemns-freedom-convoy-actions\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">has<\/span><\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/canadianlabour.ca\/joint-statement-from-canadas-unions-on-the-ottawa-occupation\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> condemned<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the \u201cFreedom Convoy.\u201d And most participants in that movement are in fact not truck drivers. Truckers in Ontario\u2019s Peel Region, many of whom labour in what is essentially an employer-employee relation even if they are not legally classified as workers under Ontario labour law, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cbc.ca\/news\/canada\/toronto\/convoy-protests-ignoring-real-hardships-truckers-face-peel-drivers-warn-1.6340263\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">opposed the convoy<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. A significantly racialized workforce, they have been victims of wage theft and other systematic violations of their labour rights. The blockade of the Ambassador Bridge border crossing between Canada and the US in Windsor, Ontario, undertaken in solidarity with the convoy action in Ottawa, did not centrally involve truckers; it was truckers who were blockaded, prevented from crossing the border and doing their job. The working class is not the main driver of the far right\u2019s resurgence in general or of the anti-vaccine and anti-mandate movement in particular.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Large capital may not support, and may even violate, public health protocols. But it does not normally do so for the same reasons as, or in coordination with, the far right. Notably, major industry organizations like the Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters\u2019 Association, Global Automakers of Canada, and Food, Health &amp; Consumer Products of Canada were quick to publicly oppose the border blockades. (A number of small business associations came out against the blockades as well, indicating that the politics of the convoy movement are not shared across the entire middle class.) While large capital does not blink at mobilizing whatever tools it has at its disposal \u2013 including fascist forces \u2013 to violently neutralize existential threats to its power, it has other means to advance its interests in more typical circumstances. Generally speaking, large capital is tied to the Liberal and Conservative Parties and has greater access to the halls of formal political power than its smaller counterparts. It can also threaten or conduct a capital strike (that is, divestment) to bring recalcitrant governments and workers into line.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some of the most outspoken critics of \u201clockdowns\u201d and vaccine mandates have been petty-bourgeois capitalists such as restaurant owners, gym operators, and farmers who systematically violated the health and safety of their migrant workers. During the pandemic\u2019s second wave, the most notable (<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/pressprogress.ca\/notorious-canadian-neo-nazi-shares-photo-of-friendly-meeting-with-anti-lockdown-barbecue-restaurant-owner\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">and Nazi-supported<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">) attempt to build a campaign against business restrictions in the Toronto area was led by the owner of <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/dailyhive.com\/toronto\/adamson-barbecue-ontario-vaccine-certificate-shut-down\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the restaurant Adamson BBQ<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">; during the third wave, it was <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/globalnews.ca\/news\/7762210\/covid-huf-gym-mississauga\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a gym operator<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. We can detect here an echo, tragic or farcical, of classical fascism\u2019s constituency, witnessed in Germany and Italy early in the 20th century: small business owners, rural landowners, managers, professionals, and military and ex-military members. (As Marx <\/span><a href=\"http:\/\/hiaw.org\/defcon6\/works\/1846\/letters\/46_12_28.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">once wrote<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: \u201cThe situation of the petty bourgeois predisposes him towards both socialism and capitalism, i.e. he is dazzled by the expansion of the power of the bourgeoisie on the one side, yet he shares in the suffering of the people on the other. He is bourgeois and people simultaneously.\u201d) Given its lesser social weight and more limited access to the upper reaches of the state, there is greater pressure on the petty bourgeoisie than on the large bourgeoisie to actively mobilize as a protest movement in times of growing crisis, and to try to draw behind it working-class support.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Ontario and Alberta, enraged petty bourgeois engaged in a physical blockade to disrupt supply chains precisely because they have such little control over them. The class character of the far right\u2019s resurgence is also illustrated by the movement\u2019s links to the People\u2019s Party. Supporters of the People\u2019s Party are among the most strident opponents of \u201clockdowns\u201d and vaccine mandates, and are <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/abacusdata.ca\/freedom-convoy-public-reaction-february-2022\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the strongest backers of the convoy protests by party affiliation<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While the People\u2019s Party counts workers among its supporters (as all political parties do), <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.environicsinstitute.org\/insights\/insight-details\/who-voted-for-the-people-s-party-of-canada\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">nearly a fifth<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of its supporters are people who work \u201con [their] own business\u201d \u2013 a higher proportion than in any other party in Canada, even though the People\u2019s Party has fewer supporters who earn more than $100,000 per year than any other party save the NDP. Several small businesses could be found listed as donors on the convoy\u2019s GoFundMe page before it was shut down, alongside dozens of individual donations ranging from $5000 to $30,000. It is unlikely that working-class supporters are contributing donations of that size. Some of the largest donors to the convoy\u2019s GiveSendGo page, set up after access to GoFundMe was cut, are once again small businesses, including farms and a gun range.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Encompassing conspiracists, libertarians, and fascists, the new far-right movement can seem incoherent beyond the petty-bourgeois class rage it gives voice to. But its fluidity, common to nascent far-right movements, belies the consistent ideological substance that unites and animates it. Re-emerging after four decades of neoliberalism, a period defined by cuts to a welfare state that had once encouraged a sense of collective social responsibility (even if insufficiently and distortedly so), today\u2019s far right expresses a radical fidelity to market relations as <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> way to organize our lives, modified only by an emphasis on the importance of the heterosexual nuclear family. It is marked by a militant indifference to the well-being of others, particularly the most vulnerable. The rights it asserts can be boiled down to the right to engage in market exchange without annoying restrictions that could save lives. The freedom that the farmers at the convoy protests are defending is the freedom to let their migrant workers get sick and die. For some of its adherents, this politics takes on a violent and authoritarian complexion, a spirit of revenge against those movements and communities that they see as a threat to their fragile privileges, and to the \u201ctraditional\u201d values and the sense of nation that offer them consolation in the face of social, political, and economic change they can do nothing to stop. This tendency is strongest in the far right\u2019s fascist current, whose members can be found among the convoy movement\u2019s key organizers and in the People\u2019s Party.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The far right\u2019s fetish for markets, indifference to the suffering of others, and authoritarian fantasies have an obvious racial character. We know which workers and communities have been most vulnerable to deadly COVID-19 outbreaks; we know whose murder is memorialized and foretold by swastikas, and by Confederate and Red Ensign flags. Against the well-being of those communities, and even against their existence, the far-right movement counterposes the well-being of the Canadian nation: the Canadian flag, too, is ubiquitous at the very white convoy rallies. By \u201cPeople,\u201d the People\u2019s Party means the Canadian <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Volk<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/><\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><h2><i>\u00a1No pasaran!<\/i><\/h2><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The gravitational pull of the far right will be especially strong if Canadian capitalism lurches into a period of deeper crisis. This is a real possibility. Canada has so far evaded such a crisis, thanks to policies of low interest rates, and to escalating debt levels that have sustained corporations and households in the face of low growth and profitability. Even in the absence of imminent economic catastrophe, the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">OECD) forecasts that Canada will have the worst-performing economy in the so-called advanced capitalist world between 2020-2030. The climate crisis will also drive the far right\u2019s growth: efforts to reduce carbon emissions have provoked mobilizations by the far right around the world, including 2019\u2019s United We Roll convoy.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As the far right develops further, its street-based politics will become even more important to it, as will violence as an ideological and tactical disposition. This disposition is what separates fascists from the right more generally: not their racism, xenophobia, antisemitism, nationalism, lust for empire, and antipathy to workers and the oppressed; not even a desire for authoritarian state power, which they share with the liberal tradition; but a militant commitment to building a mass street-based movement that operates through violence. Fascists may participate in elections, but never as an end in itself; for them, power is ultimately decided by force in the streets. And the last few weeks are a reminder that the police cannot \u2013 and should not \u2013 be relied on to defend us from those dangers. Neither will the milquetoast, electoralist, uninspiring politics of centrism and social democracy provide an adequate bulwark against a rising far-right tide.<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The task of developing an effective left response is urgent. An emboldened far right whose power is based increasingly in the streets will need to be challenged there. This raises the unavoidable question of how to rebuild our capacities, since we are not entering this new, dangerous conjuncture from a place of strength, as the left did in previous periods when the far right stepped onto the political stage with revived power. Our organizational infrastructures, and our confidence to counterpose a radical, hopeful alternative vision to the present state of catastrophe, have atrophied in the face of the neoliberal barrage of the last four decades. There can be no substitute for the rebuilding of mass movements rooted in the self-activity of workers and the oppressed, and based in workplaces and communities. The far right is now simply too big to be fought by fiercely committed but small bands of antifascists; it will not be stopped without great numbers on our side, and the fascist current within it will definitely grow in the new period of struggle that the convoy movement has inaugurated.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Deplatforming by physically confronting the far right and fascists is an important tactic. But it is not, in and of itself, a strategy for defeating them. Nor should that tactic be abstracted from the need to rebuild our forces. We must be clear that the far right cannot be defeated by parliamentary denunciations or placated with state concessions, but also that the most effective way to free public space of its odious presence is to build a broad movement able to retake the streets. <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/breachmedia.ca\/the-battle-of-billings-bridge\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Battle of Billings Bridge<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in Ottawa, in which more than a thousand counterprotesters shut down a section of the convoy and sent it home without its flags and jerry cans, offers an inspiring model of the kinds of actions we need. But to sustain such energy in the long run, as the far right and fascists grow in power, necessarily means continuing to draw in wider layers of people than are currently involved in the movement left, including those who may not yet be convinced of the need for direct confrontation. It requires that we do effective outreach to unions, community organizations, places of worship, and student groups \u2013 building relations of trust and solidarity, and connecting the threads of capitalist crisis, far-right reaction, and working-class liberation struggles. It demands, further, that we develop a politics that not only asserts what we oppose, but also offers a transformative vision of the world we fight for. Only by nurturing such a vision will we survive the dialectical storm of advance and retreat, hope and despair, that any left movement endures.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-483c0075 elementor-widget-divider--view-line_icon elementor-view-default elementor-widget-divider--element-align-center elementor-widget elementor-widget-divider\" data-id=\"483c0075\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"divider.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-divider\">\n\t\t\t<span class=\"elementor-divider-separator\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-icon elementor-divider__element\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<i aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"fas fa-sun\"><\/i><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-5d1ea1b5 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"5d1ea1b5\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Todd Gordon is an editor of <em>Midnight Sun<\/em>. He is co-author, with Jeffery R. Webber, of <a href=\"https:\/\/fernwoodpublishing.ca\/book\/blood-of-extraction\">Blood of Extraction: Canadian Imperialism in Latin America<\/a> (Fernwood Publishing), and author of <a href=\"https:\/\/arpbooks.org\/product\/imperialist-canada\/\">Imperialist Canada<\/a> (ARP Books) and <a href=\"https:\/\/fernwoodpublishing.ca\/book\/cops-crime-and-capitalism\">Cops, Crime &amp; Capitalism: The Law-and-Order Agenda<\/a> (Fernwood Publishing). He has been involved in organizing against the far right.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-19d24f98 elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-phone\" data-id=\"19d24f98\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-33 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-21d5a7c5 elementor-hidden-tablet elementor-hidden-phone\" data-id=\"21d5a7c5\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-79194f38 elementor-widget elementor-widget-shortcode\" data-id=\"79194f38\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"shortcode.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-shortcode\"><div class=\"shariff shariff-align-flex-start shariff-widget-align-flex-start\"><ul class=\"shariff-buttons theme-default orientation-horizontal buttonsize-medium\"><li class=\"shariff-button twitter shariff-nocustomcolor\" style=\"background-color:#595959\"><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/share?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.midnightsunmag.ca%2Ffascism-is-as-canadian-as-the-maple-leaf%2F&text=Fascism%20is%20as%20Canadian%20as%20the%20Maple%20Leaf&via=midnightsunmag\" title=\"Share on X\" aria-label=\"Share on X\" role=\"button\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\" class=\"shariff-link\" style=\"; 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A personal and political reflection.<\/span><\/li><\/ul><div class=\"crp_clear\"><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-116ecbc3 elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"116ecbc3\" data-element_type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-no\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-565a612a\" data-id=\"565a612a\" data-element_type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-7aa5a9c8 elementor-widget elementor-widget-shortcode\" data-id=\"7aa5a9c8\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"shortcode.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-shortcode\"><div class=\"shariff shariff-align-flex-start shariff-widget-align-flex-start\"><ul class=\"shariff-buttons theme-default orientation-horizontal buttonsize-medium\"><li class=\"shariff-button twitter shariff-nocustomcolor\" style=\"background-color:#595959\"><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/share?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.midnightsunmag.ca%2Ffascism-is-as-canadian-as-the-maple-leaf%2F&text=Fascism%20is%20as%20Canadian%20as%20the%20Maple%20Leaf&via=midnightsunmag\" title=\"Share on X\" aria-label=\"Share on X\" role=\"button\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\" class=\"shariff-link\" style=\"; 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